What politicians and the media have been imposing on the people of Chemnitz, Saxony and all opponents of Merkel's politics for almost two weeks now is an escalating intellectual civil war. It’s led on several fronts. First and foremost, it’s directed against reality. The misrepresentation of reality due to ideological motivation is something that Media theorist Jean Baudrillard called the ‘agony of the real.’ The German media are going one step further.
In their reporting, they made the actual reality – specifically, the knife murder of 35-year-old Daniel H. and imported violent crime in general – disappear and replaced it with hallucinations, in which people with immigrant background are being beaten on the streets and Nazi hordes are about to seize power.
According to the District Attorney's office, there were no man-hunts
It didn’t matter to them that the editor-in-chief of the Chemnitz local newspaper asserted, and the Saxon Solicitor General confirmed, that there hadn’t been any pogrom-like man-hunts. As the journalist Alexander Wendt has pointed out, corresponding fake reports go back to an Antifa portal, which were then refined into an officially established fact through the mouth of the government spokesman. That’s how dubious and tainted today’s official channels are. Therefore, there’s no reason to renounce terms such as ‘lying press’ or ‘political-media complex.’
The political-media complex is incapable of coherently presenting and justifying its policies. Any attempt to do so would only prove its absurdity and destructive energy. Their bloody consequences are to remain hidden. That is why the public manifestation of grief and anger at the violent crime - crime that is spreading as a result of the opening of the border - is being defamed as a fascist outbreak of hatred.
Immature authors assume the attitude of colonial masters
Three years ago Merkel claimed “We can do it!” without ever having checked whether ‘it’ was what the people wanted or if it even made sense at all. No European country is having success in integrating the Third World’s ‘youth bulge.’ So the result is a permanent state of emergency, in which the Germans pay taxes, accept the slumification of public spaces, give certain groups of youths a wide berth and even keep their mouths shut when they become victims.
That is, to put it mildly, an unattractive outlook. The imposition is felt most acutely in the East. Saxony in particular is taking a prominent stance as a resistance zone, which is why that state is being presented as a brown-shirted problem area, where democracy and the rule of law have not yet gained a foothold. Immature authors assume the attitude of colonial masters who are insulted, because the colonized have emancipated themselves and reject their poisoned gifts.
However, this is not an East-West conflict, because many West Germans base their hopes on the resistance of the East, while public figures with an eastern background confirm the surviving old, West German discourse, because they’re tied, for better or for worse, to the – western dominated – political, media and cultural business.
Foreign Minister Maas calls for fight against right-wing extremism
Politicians and the media are afraid that the eastern German federal states could become a thorn in the side of the multi-culturally transformed Federal Republic. This is why they’re calling for repression. The SPD (Social Democratic Party), which in the eastern states of Thuringia and Saxony is only a small party, wants to put the AfD (Alternative for Germany) under the observation of the Office for the Protection of the Constitution. While in the West, tolerated Antifa thugs prevent rallies critical of the government or turn them into a personal risk, in Chemnitz the actions of marginalized anti-Antifa hooligans are journalistically exaggerated into an outrage.
Foreign Minister Heiko Maas, whose job it should be to force other governments to take back illegal immigrants, calls on the Germans to fight against a hallucinated racism, i.e. as their moral duty to internalise the destructive policy to which he has committed himself.
The churches have long since ceased to offer protection against such totalitarian demands. German protestant church leader Heinrich Bedford-Strom declared on the murder of a young woman: “Perhaps she would still be alive if she had had an attitude of mistrust. But would that have been the better life?” In plain language: Better dead than an enemy of the ‘welcome culture!’
Leading SPD politicians grinning at Chemnitz site of the bloody deed
In its tirades against Chemnitz the elite manifests a general betrayal, whereby ‘elite’ is only meant functionally and does not denote any professional, moral or other quality. Emblematic for this is the group-selfie, which shows leading SPD politicians grinning on the scene of the bloody deed in Chemnitz.
The 65,000 participants of the ‘Wir sind mehr’ (‘there are more of us’) concert in Chemnitz, who embraced the government’s irreverence and danced “on graves,” as Beatrix von Storch remarked, are also a fact. They continued the ‘Refugees welcome’ madness of 2015 and celebrated a policy that created the conditions for the murder of a compatriot.
The withdrawal of solidarity with their own dead, which so far applied to the victims of the Second World War, now also applies to the victims of today and thus potentially also to the living. It can even affect those who danced in Chemnitz. The fear, which many speak of, has nothing at all to do with the ‘danger from the Right,’ but with a self-contradiction. The civil war, which they are marching toward, splits them right down the middle. How inner peace should ever return under these circumstances remains a mystery.
Originally written for 'Junge Freiheit', where the article appeared under the title 'Neue Mythen gegen Rechts', on 8th September 2018.